In an ongoing AFKInsider series on corporate social responsibility in Africa, I have examined how multinational companies can effect positive change in authoritarian African states.
Unfortunately, no matter the good intentions or the implementation of such projects, they are doomed to failure if the populace is wholly uneducated. It is perhaps said best by Andres Mejia Acosta of the King’s College International Development Institute, who writes that transparency, accountability and other pro-democracy initiatives are useless without education because of the necessity for education to impact “…people’s ability to process available information…” Put more simply, if citizens are uneducated, (or worse, illiterate), they cannot adequately navigate the complex topography of transition or the political realities of running a country and it becomes impossible for democracy to take root.
Focusing finite corporate responsibility dollars on educational projects throughout the continent serves a number of important purposes. A more educated populace is one that is far more likely to move towards democracy than a less educated one. The business advantages of advancing democracy have been discussed in great detail, but amount to a tremendous connection between an ever-developing populace and extraordinary reputational boosts internationally. Further, a connection between an educated populace (or an educated segment of the populace) and a company is also more likely to ensure an ongoing relationship – one that can be extremely profitable.
The connection between education and democratization is a well-explored area of international development. Many, including noted Harvard Kennedy School of Government Prof. Edward L. Glaeser, believe that beyond a simple correlation, greater levels of education breed democracy.
Internationally, there is a 77 percent correlation between average years of education in the population over 25 years of age and democracy scores. Further, of the states surveyed, less than 1.74 years of schooling in the population, on average, is a virtual guarantee of authoritarian governance while more than 5.3 years is a near guarantee of democracy. The middle range is a free-for-all, with much more difficulty predicting where a state will lie on the scale. Of the 24 African states examined, none had reached the 5.3-year mark and just five averaged more than 1.74 years of education. As depressing as these numbers may seem, it also means there is a great deal of room for companies operating on the continent to do good.
Some pundits have espoused two major fears for using corporate social responsibility to advance a country’s education and thus advance democratization. First, any focus that multinationals put on advancing infrastructure and other macro-level issues will increase reliance on the corporation, reduce demand for government services and further an already too-prominent governance gap. Second, that the connection between education and democratization exists over a long period rather than the instant gratification desired from corporate social responsibility projects.
Both of these views are unfortunately short sighted and do not take into account the modern business and political climate, where companies should be cultivating long-term relationships with people rather than exclusively with governments.
With regards to the fear that citizens will become more reliant on a corporation and less reliant or demanding on an already weak government, while this may be defensible for many infrastructure or macro-level projects, it is directly contrary to the effect of education on a populace. Theories of the democratizing effect of education often point to the fact that more educated populations tend to demand more from their government, not less. This is a major reason for the supposed causation between education and democracy. An educated population will begin to demand more from its government and less from the firm that has already played such a vital role in transition.
The latter fear, that such a process takes a comparatively long time, can be advantageous for firms looking to do good in the real world, where any outwardly subversive projects could be immensely costly to governmental relationships, and ultimately, to the bottom line. The deliberate pace also allows for robust advancement and unrelated improvement (education is a good thing for its own sake, in addition to aiding democratization) rather than quick schemes designed to change an ingrained government overnight.
The criticism also overlooks the unfortunate fact that according to a recent, study 14 of the world’s 30 longest-tenured dictators exist on the African continent (it had 15 until the death of Meles Zenawi, who, prior to August 2012, led Ethiopia for more than 20 years). Long rule of dictatorships is particularly prominent in states with mineral wealth – frequent recipients of multinational corporate attention. The long tenures of African autocrats allow democracy advocates to “play the long game” and advance the cause through such robust measures that will give the eventual transition a better chance of success rather than quick fixes that almost inevitably result in a backslide into dictatorial rule.
Doing good through corporate social responsibility can also be immensely beneficial for the future of the firm. Focusing finite corporate social responsibility dollars on educational projects benefits citizens in the short and corporations in the long term. In the short term, education is a good thing for education’s sake and advances individual opportunities. In the long term, a better-educated society is more likely to move towards democracy and be a soft landing place for democratic institutions when dictators fall.
Finally, cultivating a long-term relationship with the people of a state rather than just its government cements future possibilities for a firm. In short, when multinational corporations invest in education, everybody wins.
Andrew Friedman is a human rights attorney and consultant who works and writes on legal reform and constitutional law with an emphasis on Africa. He can be reached via email at afriedm2@gmail.com or via twitter @AndrewBFriedman
